The second of the institutions is the one that makes the market possible, though we rarely notice it doing so. A contract is a promise made binding; and the work it does is to let us exchange across time — to trade not goods for goods, hand to hand, but present performance for future performance, my labor now for your payment later, your loan now for my repayment hence. Almost everything that distinguishes a modern economy from a village market is an exchange across time, and so a contract. The question of this plate is what makes such a promise binding — for a promise, on its face, is only words.
Consider why exchange across time is hard, when exchange on the spot is easy. If I trade you an apple for a coin, hand to hand, neither of us need trust the other: we exchange at once, and if you withhold the coin I withhold the apple. But most valuable exchange cannot be simultaneous. The builder raises the house over months before the owner has paid in full; the lender parts with his money now against a promise of repayment years hence; the worker labors all week before the wage arrives on Friday. In every such exchange, one party must perform first, and in performing puts himself at the other's mercy: the house built, the owner might refuse to pay; the money lent, the borrower might abscond; the week worked, the employer might withhold the wage. The first performer's exposure is the fundamental obstacle to exchange across time — and if it cannot be overcome, all such exchange fails, and the economy shrinks to the simultaneous swap. The promise to perform later is meant to overcome it; but a promise is only words, and words, the first performer fears, are cheap.1
Thomas Hobbes saw the heart of the matter, though he wrote of covenants among men in a state of nature rather than of commerce. A promise, he argued, is binding only if there is some power that will compel its keeping — for where the promisor may break his word with impunity, and stands to gain by breaking it, the rational man both expects the breach and, expecting it, will not perform first; and so the promise, unbacked by any power to enforce it, is mere breath, too weak to secure anyone. What makes a promise binding, then, is not the saying of it but the existence of a force that will punish its breaking — a sword, in Hobbes's image, held over the promisor, that makes keeping the promise cheaper than breaking it. The contract is exactly this: a promise plus a power to enforce it. Strip away the power, and the contract is no contract, only a hope; supply the power, and the bare promise becomes a binding obligation, and the first performer, secure that the second will be made to perform, dares at last to act.2
But the sword need not be the state's, and this is the enlargement the plate makes on Hobbes. Enforcement — the power that makes a promise binding — comes in several forms, and the law is only one. The first is indeed the law: the state's courts, which on a broken promise will order the breacher to pay damages or to perform, backed ultimately by the state's monopoly of force. This is the enforcer of last resort, and the foundation of the most formal contracting. But there is also reputation: the promisor who breaks his word loses his good name and the future dealings it would have brought, so that the value of his reputation, held hostage to his conduct, enforces the promise without any court — the merchant keeps faith because faithlessness would ruin his trade. There is the hostage, or bond: the promisor posts something of value — a deposit, a collateral, a pledge — that he forfeits if he breaks, binding himself by putting his own stake at risk. And there is the norm: the internalized sense of obligation, the shame of the cheat, the sanction of the community, which enforces promises by conscience and custom where no law or reputation reaches. The contract rests on whichever of these enforcers is available and adequate — and most contracts rest on several at once.3
Of these enforcers, the law is the one a society deliberately builds, and its provision is among the state's most fundamental economic functions. For reputation and norm, powerful as they are, have limits: they work among people who deal repeatedly, who share a community, who can observe each other's conduct — but they fail among strangers, across distances, in one-off dealings, exactly where the modern economy most needs to reach. There the law must serve: an impartial third party, the court, that will enforce a promise between strangers who will never meet again and have no shared community to sanction them. The law of contracts is, at bottom, the public provision of this enforcement — the state lending its sword to private promises, so that strangers may bind themselves to one another with the same confidence that kin and neighbors bind themselves by reputation and custom. And because the law's enforcement is what lets strangers contract, the quality of a society's contract law — the impartiality of its courts, the speed and certainty of its judgments — sets how far its market can reach beyond the circle of the personally trusted.4
The sword makes a promise binding — but only the promise that was actually made, the terms actually written. And here the volume's central difficulty enters, the one the flagship will reach: no promise can name everything. However powerful the enforcement, it can only enforce what the contract specified, and the contract, being the work of finite minds facing an infinite future, specifies only a fraction of what may come to pass. The sword enforces the letter; but the letter is always incomplete, falling silent on the countless contingencies the parties did not foresee. So enforcement, necessary as it is, is not sufficient: a contract perfectly enforced may still fail to say what should be done when the unforeseen arrives, and then the sword has nothing to swing at. What fills the silence the contract leaves — what governs the parties when the world springs a surprise no clause addressed — is the question the rest of the volume must answer, and the question on which, the flagship will argue, the whole nature of the contract turns.5
The sword, then, is what makes a promise more than words: the power — of the law, of reputation, of the hostage, of the norm — that makes the keeping of a promise cheaper than its breaking, and so lets the first performer dare to act, and exchange to reach across time. Hobbes saw that a covenant without such a power is empty, and the insight founds the economics of contract: a contract is a promise plus its enforcement, and is only as binding as the enforcement behind it. The law is the enforcement a society builds for the dealings that reputation and norm cannot reach — the strangers, the distances, the one-off bargains — and its reach sets the reach of the impersonal market. But the sword can enforce only what the contract said, and no contract says everything; and so the volume turns next to the contract's inevitable incompleteness, and to the gaps that no enforcement can fill, only fill in. The next plate asks what governs the parties when the world springs a surprise the contract never named.