The Default

in print · The Contract · plate viii

A contract’s silence can leave a working rule in place. Comparing common preferences, unequal drafting costs and strategically withheld information shows why a useful default need not always be the most popular term. Delaware’s open-price and variation rules make the distinction between a supplied term and a mandatory boundary concrete.

The silent term can change the reason to speak.The argument of this plate, after Ayres and Gertner

The blank in the contract is often already occupied. The parties have written the quantity, named the thing to be delivered, and left a question for later; when later arrives, a rule they never composed may decide it. A court can interpret their conduct, a statute can supply a missing term, and an established practice can give meaning to words that look incomplete on the page. These are parts of the bargain’s working architecture. The law’s default governs where the parties have not effectively displaced it. Its apparent modesty conceals a consequential choice: what should happen when people say nothing, and what should that prospect give them reason to say?

A default saves work by making a usable term available before the parties ask for it. Where the rule fits their transaction, silence can be economical. They can devote attention to what makes their exchange unusual instead of reproducing an entire legal system in every document. The distinction from a mandatory rule is therefore essential. A default permits an effective contrary agreement; a mandatory rule sets a boundary that agreement cannot simply erase. Both shape contracting, but they do different work. One supplies a starting point, the other limits the points the parties may select.

The open price in a sale provides a concrete example. Under Delaware’s enacted Uniform Commercial Code, parties who intend to conclude a contract for sale can do so even though the price remains unsettled. Section 2-305 supplies a reasonable price at delivery in specified circumstances, including where nothing has been said about price or the parties fail to agree on a price left for later agreement. That provision carries its own boundaries. A price left to one party must be fixed in good faith. If the parties intend not to be bound until a price is fixed or agreed and it never is, the section says there is no contract. The rule fills an intended bargain’s price gap; it does not manufacture that intention from every incomplete conversation.

The familiar design principle is to choose the term most parties would have wanted. Suppose a hundred otherwise comparable contracting pairs know which of two permissible terms fits them. Eighty prefer A and twenty prefer B. Each pair gains thirty from obtaining its preferred term, and writing an effective departure from the default costs four. An A default requires twenty departures and eighty of drafting cost; a B default requires eighty departures and three hundred and twenty. All pairs find it worthwhile to obtain their preferred term under either rule. The difference is the work spent reaching those outcomes. Giving the majority its preferred starting point saves two hundred and forty.

Counting heads can nevertheless miss the relevant costs. Keep the same preferences and benefits, but suppose each minority pair must spend twenty to obtain B while a majority pair can still obtain A for four. An A default now costs four hundred to depart from, while a B default costs three hundred and twenty. All departures remain worthwhile because the benefit is thirty. The less popular default saves eighty. The result turns on the expense of changing the rule, not a reversal in anyone’s preference. A serious account of the common bargain must ask which parties can identify the default, obtain advice, negotiate a departure, and make that departure effective.

Ayres and Gertner added a further possibility: a term can be deliberately unattractive because changing it communicates something. If the better-informed party receives the term it would want without speaking, the rule may reward silence. A penalty default instead gives that party a reason to ask for another arrangement, revealing information to the other party or making the agreement clearer to a court. The name describes a mechanism, not a moral judgment that the silent party deserves punishment. The rule must be evaluated by the communication and conduct it induces, together with what happens to those who remain silent.

Imagine a shipment whose owner knows how costly its loss would be. For one type the loss is twenty; for another it is two hundred. Extra care costs five and reduces the chance of loss from one in ten to one in a hundred. The expected loss avoided is one and eighty hundredths for the first type and eighteen for the second. Extra care wastes resources for the first shipment and saves them for the second. If nine shipments in ten are of the low-loss type and the carrier cannot distinguish them, the average avoided loss is only three and forty-two hundredths. A uniform decision to forgo the extra care then makes sense on those assumed values while leaving the high-loss shipments insufficiently protected.

Communication can change that decision. Suppose a high-loss owner can identify the shipment’s value credibly at a cost of one and obtain a tailored agreement that induces the extra care. Eighteen of expected harm is avoided at a combined cost of six, leaving twelve of gain. A default that leaves the unusual loss with the owner can give the owner a reason to request that agreement. The inference requires the opportunity to disclose and contract, a credible signal, and terms under which the gain makes disclosure worthwhile. Raise the disclosure cost to fourteen and the same care improvement no longer covers its combined cost of nineteen. The rule’s success depends on an attainable conversation, not merely on making silence expensive.

This qualification matters especially where one party supplies terms to many others. A business that knows the default and can replace it once for a thousand transactions faces a different task from a customer who must discover and negotiate it anew. A penalty aimed at an informed commercial actor may simply burden an uninformed consumer if transplanted without attention to that difference. A majoritarian rule may likewise remain unhelpful if it is readily displaced by the drafter and costly for the recipient to restore. The default’s distributive effect depends on the institutions through which people depart from it. Freedom to vary a rule has an economic content as well as a formal one.

The permission to vary is also itself bounded by law. Delaware’s general UCC provision allows variation by agreement except where the Code provides otherwise, but it does not allow parties to disclaim the obligations of good faith, diligence, reasonableness, and care that the Code prescribes. They may set standards for measuring performance if those standards are not manifestly unreasonable. The law therefore combines discretion over terms with constraints on its exercise. Calling the whole arrangement a default would hide that division; calling every supplied obligation mandatory would hide the room the law deliberately leaves for a different bargain.

The choice of a default consequently cannot be settled by describing silence as consent or as ignorance. Silence can reflect a rule that already fits, an expense not worth incurring, a calculation that withholding information improves the speaker’s position, or an inability to obtain different terms. Those explanations call for different responses. A useful default reduces unnecessary drafting; an information-forcing default can make a hidden circumstance discussable; a mandatory protection addresses a limit the law is unwilling to leave entirely to departure. The practical question is which problem a rule actually solves, and what it costs the people who must live with its answer.

The law’s silent term shapes both the bargain and the decision to speak.

The agreement belongs to its parties within an architecture that they did not build alone. Their words, their conduct, the applicable defaults, and the rules they cannot displace together determine what their promises do. The default can make exchange easier while leaving the distribution of its gains unsettled; it can invite disclosure while imposing costs on those who cannot respond. The next plate follows a participant unusually well equipped to respond: the enterprise that writes the form before its customer arrives, replacing the law’s starting terms with a document offered to everyone. The argument remains open.